The American officials are expected to discuss when to present an To mend ties with Jordan, the Israeli government “expressed regret” for. Israel's Channel 10 claims the US president made the prediction half-jokingly after Abdullah warned that many young Palestinians now want 'one state with. Police suspect terrorism as Jordanian assaults 2 Israeli co-workers in Eilat Israel said looking to push Dead Sea canal project to repair Jordan ties US president Bill Clinton, background, applauds as soldiers from the Jordanian army , left.
Jordanians rarely complete their university studies in Israel; they know it will be difficult to find work if employers see that their degrees were completed in Israel and because their degrees are not accepted by the professional associations. Water Cooperation Water distribution is very important in a region with extreme scarcity. The Jordan River is a very highly contested water source. Its tributaries originate in Syria, Lebanon, Israel and the Golan Heights, with each country asserting rights over its water.
Cooperation on water-related matters has been one of the bright spots of the Jordanian-Israeli relationship and was made one of the top priorities in the peace negotiations. While many scholars have predicted water wars in the region, Jordan and Israel work well together on water issues. The crux of the water conflict between Israel and Jordan involved the right to utilize water from the Jordan and Yarmouk Rivers. In the peace negotiations, Jordan put water utilization on the same level as security, territorial rights and the refugee problem.
This was the only dispute within the Arab-Israeli conflict not directly related to territory and thus gave rise to the opportunity to find a bilateral solution with a real negotiated settlement. The resolution of this conflict is an essential part of the treaty, which allocates fixed quotas of water to each party and stipulates future storing and diversion systems on the two rivers.
Other provisions discuss cooperation on water pollution, distribution of groundwater resources, the prohibition of a unilateral change in flow of the two rivers, and finding future sources of water. The treaty also allocates water from the other river to each country. Israel receives 25 million cubic meters mcm from the Yarmouk, and Jordan receives 30 mcm from the Jordan. Israel is also permitted to pump an additional 20 mcm of water during winter from the Yarmouk into the Sea of Galilee.
This amount is redirected to Jordan during the summer months.
This is a significant reduction from the amount of water it was using from the Yarmouk prior to the peace agreement. However, Israel is permitted to maintain its usage of the previous levels of water from the Yarmouk until Jordan builds a dam on the river.
Out of its 30 mcm allocation, 20 mcm comes from the river itself, while the rest comes from the Sea of Galilee until it can be provided by a desalination plant that processes groundwater sources. The treaty also states that Israel and Jordan will work together to provide Jordan with an additional 50 mcm of fresh water in the future, but it does not specify how the costs for this would be distributed.
But there is no question that Jordan benefitted from the treaty with respect to its water supply; previous plans allocated water to Jordan based on its control of the East and West Banks.
The treaty does not specify the quality of water Jordan is to receive from Israel. Thus, at times Jordan has received polluted floodwater, and this has led to tensions. As recently as earlythe Jordanian Ministry of Water and Irrigation detected polluted water contaminating the Yarmouk, which provides Amman with almost one-third of its water.
However, once the polluted water was detected, the water tunnel was closed down, the water was discarded, and Israel compensated Jordan by replacing the polluted water. A similar incident occurred in When such incidents occur, the two sides work together to find solutions. One Jordanian expert on water issues cited two occasions in the past 10 years when Syria declined Jordanian requests to release more water because of shortages in Jordan; in contrast, Israel released additional water and took a share back later.
Jordanians, like the rest of the Arab world, sincerely believe that Israel does not want peace.
They point to the recent wars in Lebanon and Gaza, the blockade against Gaza and increasing settlement expansion as evidence. Because of this, most Jordanians do not believe that there is any hope for a just resolution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. There are also issues supported by fringe groups in Israel that cause concern. The PLO also originally considered Jordan to be a part of greater Palestine and did not remove this claim from its charter until the s. It was revived in early by a right-wing Knesset member, but the Israeli Foreign Ministry immediately distanced itself from the suggestion.
Jordanians continue to fear it and point to the peace deal with Israel as a way for Jordan to delineate its border with Israel and protect its sovereignty. In addition, Jordan considers Israeli settlement expansion in the West Bank to be a threat to its national security, as it could lead to annexation of significant portions of the West Bank. It is also uneasy about Israeli policies seeking separation from Palestinians and unilaterally withdrawing from occupied lands. Jordanians who took the political risk at the signing of the peace treaty of building relations with Israel are disappointed with the outcome and do not believe that, in the future, individuals will take the same risks, going against Jordanian society to normalize relations with Israel.
They point to the rocket attacks from Gaza after its pullout, the kidnapping of two Israeli soldiers in that led to the Israeli offensive against Hezbollah, and the unwillingness of Arab states to support confidence-building measures that would enable Israel to be assured about its security concerns.
The Israelis say they are ready for increased cooperation with Arab states, particularly Jordan, but are skeptical of the fact that the Arabs have not reciprocated. The reality is that most cooperation between Jordan and Israel occurs largely out of the public eye for fear of social repercussions. If this is the best type of peace Israel can hope for, how can they trust security guarantees offered by any Arab country? When it comes to Jordanian-Israeli cooperation, Israelis point to the risks both sides must face.
U.S. Department of State
Societal Issues Societal issues in Jordan play an important role in the perception of both the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Jordanian-Israeli relationship. These issues are mostly connected to demographics in Jordan, where between one-half and two-thirds of the population is of Palestinian origin. Jordan is one of the only countries that gave rights and citizenship to most of its Palestinian refugees.
There are various categories of Palestinians in Jordan with permanent residency but carrying different types of documents. Some Jordanians of Palestinian origin carry a Jordanian passport with a national identification number, which gives them access to all governmental services.
Others carry Jordanian passports, but without national identification numbers, meaning their access to services is more limited. Palestinians from Gaza carry a two-year temporary passport, which must be renewed.
Within these layers of self-identification one can find Palestinians who consider themselves Jordanian and have little attachment to their ancestral home, whereas others identify themselves as only Palestinian. Among the population that is originally Jordanian, one can find those who are even more supportive of the Palestinian cause than many Palestinians.
At the same time, many of them strongly believe that Jordan is a country that must have good relations with all of its neighbors, including Israel. They argue that Jordan lacks resources such as oil and water and requires strong alliances. A recent problem surfaced inwhen Jordan began revoking the citizenship of thousands of Palestinians living in Jordan to avoid having them permanently resettled there. This raised tensions between Jordanians and Jordanians of Palestinian origin, making Palestinians feel as if they were being squeezed out.
These Palestinians will keep their permanent-resident status by retaining their identification cards, issued as family-unification documents to those who have families in the West Bank. Among those who had their citizenship revoked were individuals working for the Palestinian Authority or the PLO and those who had not served in the Jordanian army. While visionaries like King Hussein could make the transition with ease, it was never easy for the public, especially when seeing Israeli officials visiting Jordan shortly after the signing of the agreement.
This is especially true for Jordan, where Palestinians make up a significant percentage of the population. Thus, more than any other country, Jordan is inextricably linked to the Palestinian situation.
As previously stated, after the peace deal was signed, enthusiasm ran extremely high on both sides. The Jordanian-Israeli agreement was to pave the way for regional peace and a final resolution to the Palestinian situation. However, soon after the agreement was signed, the relationship cooled. In addition, the Peres government authorized the assassination of Yahya Ayyash, a senior Hamas member who had devised several suicide attacks against Israel.
Israel also suspended peace talks with Syria, claiming that it was harboring terrorists. However, the political situation eroded, with increased violence between Israelis and Palestinians, and Netanyahu took tough stances on a unified Jerusalem and the formation of a Palestinian state. Jordanian-Israeli relations continued to deteriorate soon afterward, following the killing of seven Israeli schoolgirls by a Jordanian soldier in al-Baqura. Although King Hussein made a trip to Jerusalem to personally offer condolences to the families of the victims, relations remained strained.
Netanyahu had given his permission for the plan to proceed, leaving the Israeli chief of staff and director of military intelligence unaware. The Second Intifada brought a wave of attacks and negative sentiment throughout the Arab world that sent the peace process into a tailspin. Bush held a meeting with the Israeli and Palestinian prime ministers in Aqaba to try to restart the peace process, but no positive developments emerged.
As the Israelis increased pressure on the Palestinians through more incursions, curfews and the building of the separation wall, Jordan felt threatened. To the Jordanians, these Israeli actions, specifically the wall, constituted a threat to Jordanian national security, as they encouraged more Palestinian immigration into Jordan.
The war in Gaza also brought increased pessimism to the Jordanian street. Several demonstrations, including protests outside the Israeli embassy in Amman, took place, and opposition leaders called for the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador and an abrogation of the peace treaty.
The Israeli relationship to other Arab countries has been and will always be linked to its relationship with the Palestinians. For the Arab states and Israel to form trust and warm relations, the situation on the ground must improve. If the Arab public would see the creation of a Palestinian state and steps taken by the Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace side by side, they would be encouraged to move in a similar direction.
But for the Israelis there is no guarantee, which leads to their hesitation to make tough compromises with the Palestinians. The proposals focused on security, economics, tourism, the environment and several other topics. However, the vast majority of them did not move past the planning stages.
Often there was a lack of political will on either side to move forward with a project, in addition to cultural and logistical roadblocks and the impact of the situation between the Palestinians and Israelis.
While trade can benefit both sides economically, it does not encourage the people-to-people contact that is needed for warm peace; and, in the case of Jordan it is generally limited to agriculture and textiles because of the economic gap between the two countries.
Also, while joint ventures in advanced economic sectors would be great, mistrust hinders the ability of each side to enter into such initiatives. For Jordanians, it is difficult to overcome the fear of being economically exploited; for Israelis, it is difficult to look past the fear that their investments and technology would not be secure in Arab countries.
However, there are some initiatives that could be implemented in the short term to help bring people together towards common goals.
These include small projects that increase people-to-people contact and the joint development of energy and water resources. Projects in these areas could yield tangible results, while building the confidence between governments and people that leads to private-sector cooperation on larger-scale projects.
Additionally, water and energy projects could address important needs of both countries. However, none of these projects provides a silver-bullet solution; they are part of a package of proposals that must come with improvements of the political situation on the ground. People-to-People Contact Personal contact can overcome issues of fear and mistrust.
It is the first in a series of steps needed to foster cooperation and dialogue. The goal of each of these projects is to bring Jordanians and Israelis together to discuss not only the political situation, but also common interests in occupations, hobbies and culture.
These projects occur on a very small scale and out of the spotlight, as large-scale, high-profile projects have the potential to be politicized and used for purposes that are contrary to the ultimate goal of the project. The two-day workshop included seminars that helped the teachers improve their skills as well as leisure time for them to get to know each other on a personal level.
The obvious issue that arises in any such event is mistrust, but other barriers unrelated to politics exist, such as differences in culture, language and customs. The results of these projects are very positive, but the effort must be sustained. Jordan can, and should, use its relationship with Israel to serve as a gateway between Israel and the Arab and Muslim worlds.ISRAEL: JORDAN'S KING ABDULLAH VISIT (3)
As the peace process moves forward in the future, Jordan could invite participants from other Arab countries to take part in activities such as those being conducted by the ACPD. This is a significant burden for Jordan to carry and would likely come with significant domestic opposition, but no other Arab country is geographically well-situated or politically strong enough to shoulder the weight.
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Israel–Jordan relations - Wikipedia
The American officials are expected to discuss when to present an months-in-the-making Israeli-Palestinian peace plan, as well as seek ideas on how to solve the crisis in the Gaza Strip. Perhaps more acute, then, are developments in Syria, where pro-Assad regime forces are in the initial stages of what is expected to be a major offensive to retake rebel-held areas adjacent to both the Israeli and Jordanian borders.
To this end, Amman is party to a ceasefire agreement devised last year in conjunction with the United States and Russia that created so-called "de-escalation" areas in southwest Syria. Although there has since been little fighting in the effective buffer zones, the Assad regime, emboldened by its recent consolidation of control over Damascus, now aims to re-assert military dominance along the frontiers. Jerusalem reportedly formalized an understanding to that effect with Russia, the major player in the Syrian arena since intervening militarily in the conflict in Nevertheless, there have been multiple allegations of Iranian-supported fighters camouflaging themselves as regime soldiers in order to join the offensive and, in turn, entrench their positions in the no-go zones.
Notably, Amman has started taking a harder line on Shiite Iran, having last week recalled its envoy from Tehran.
This coincides with a warming of ties with Sunni Gulf countries that view the Islamic Republic's regional adventurism and potential nuclearization as an existential threat. The agreement includes plans for the construction of a pipeline connecting the Red Sea and the Dead Sea and an 80 million cubic meter sea water desalination plant in Aqaba on the Red Sea to provide water that will be shared between the three represented entities.
Israel will buy half of this desalinated water at cost, to be shared with the Palestinians, and the rest will be sent to Jordan. The Red Sea and the Dead Sea will be linked by a pipeline and water from the Red Sea will be pumped into the Dead Sea, because the Dead Sea has been found to be receding at a rate of one meter per year.
The agreement also provides for increased sales of water to Jordan from Israel's Like Tiberias and the Sea of Galilee, beyond the amount specified in the peace agreement. All parties involved finalized the agreement on February 26,and in March it was announced that the pipeline should begin operating in The purpose of this meeting was to coordinate security measures at the holy site between the Jordainain Waqf Authority and the IDF. A few days after the meeting, Prime Minister Netanyahu called King Abdullah and assured him that the Jordanian special status at the Temple Mount will not change due to recent developments.
Both leaders called for an immediate cessation of late 's violence surrounding access to the Temple Mount. Following this meeting, US Secretary of State John Kerry met with the two leaders in Jordan and stated that everyone involved was interested in de-escalating the situation.
In response to violence at the Temple Mount, Jordan recalled their ambassador from Israel on Wednesday November 5,for the first time since Jordan and Israel established diplomatic relations in The streets of Jordan filled with protestors on November 6 and 7, calling for the government to scrap its peace deal with the Israelis in light of the recent tensions surrounding the al-Aqsa Mosque.
Sheikh Hamam, the leader of the government opposition Muslim Brotherhood party called for the destruction of the Israeli embassy in Jordan "along with everyone in it".
Three months later, in early FebruaryJordanian officials announced that they would be sending their ambassador back to Israel, due to calmed tensions surrounding access to the Temple Mount.
The Islamic State brutally murdered captured Jordanian Pilot Moaz al-Kasasbeh by burning him alive in a cage in Januaryand released the video footage of the killing in February.
Jordan responded with swift justice in the form of air strikes and other displays of their military capabilities, and Israeli officials used the opportunity to forge closer ties with Jordan. Israeli security officials confirmed that Jordan would receive approximately 16 of the helicopters, primarilly to provide border security.
Relations between Israel and Jordan have become 'very dangerous' - Los Angeles Times
These helicopters have been added to Jordan's fleet of 25 Cobra helicopters currently in service. In September Israel announced plans to construct a fence along the Israel-Jordan border, to combat the flow of refugees fleeing Syria and other neighboring countries. The project will be a joint industrial zone encompassing factories on the Jordanian side and a logistical and shipping complex on the Israeli side approximately six kilometers from the Jordan River crossing.
In addition to deepening economic collaboration between Israel and Jordan, this project is going to create thousands of job opportunities for residents.