Stalin and lenins relationship with germany

Rise of Joseph Stalin - Wikipedia

stalin and lenins relationship with germany

Weeks argues that Lenin viewed Germany as the central linchpin to an War I, and how this relationship extended back into the 19th century. Seventy-five years ago, on 23 August , Hitler's Germany and Stalin's Russia stunned the world by announcing that they had concluded a. “We can't allow Germany to lose” was the phrase Stalin uttered during his What if Lenin hadn't returned to Russia in the spring of and had that Russia could change as its relations with Germany strengthened.

The Kriegsmarine did take up a later offer of a base near Murmanskwhere German vessels could hide from the British. During the Cold War, this base at Polyarnyy which had been built especially for the Germans became the largest weapons store in the world. Most of the documents pertaining to secret German-Soviet military cooperation were systematically destroyed in Germany.

This did not, however, have any immediate effect upon German relations with other European powers.

stalin and lenins relationship with germany

After World War II, the papers of General Hans von Seeckt and memoirs of other German officers became available, [15] and after the dissolution of the Soviet Uniona handful of Soviet documents regarding this were published. These promptings were repeated over the years, with the Soviets always anxious to stress that ideological differences between the two governments were of no account; all that mattered was that the two countries were pursuing the same foreign policy objectives.

On December 4,Victor Kopp, worried that the expected admission of Germany to the League of Nations Germany was finally admitted to the League in was an anti-Soviet move, offered German Ambassador Ulrich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau to cooperate against the Second Polish Republic, and secret negotiations were sanctioned.

Germany's fear of international isolation due to a possible Soviet rapprochement with France, the main German adversary, was a key factor in the acceleration of economic negotiations. On October 12,a commercial agreement between the two nations was concluded. As Germany became less dependent on the Soviet Union, it became more unwilling to tolerate subversive Comintern interference: On April 24,Weimar Germany and the Soviet Union concluded another treaty Treaty of Berlindeclaring the parties' adherence to the Treaty of Rapallo and neutrality for five years.

France also voiced concerns in this regard in the context of Germany's expected membership in the League of Nations. Unlike Bukharin, Stalin believed that a deep crisis in western capitalism was imminent, and he denounced the cooperation of international communist parties with social democratic movements, labelling them as social fascistsand insisted on a far stricter subordination of international communist parties to the Comintern, that is, to Soviet leadership.

stalin and lenins relationship with germany

This was known as the Third Period. The relatively independent KPD of the early s almost completely subordinated itself to the Soviet Union. Under this agreement the Union of Industrialists agreed to provide the Soviet Union with an up-to-date armaments industry and the industrial base to support it, on two conditions: Stalin desperately wanted their weapons, including anti-aircraft gunshowitzersanti-tank gunsmachine guns etc. As Russia had been a major wheat exporter before the First World War, he decided to expel his recalcitrant kulak peasant farmers to the wastes of Siberia and create huge collective farms on their land like the 50, hectare farm that Krupp had created in the North Caucasus.

Thus, in anda huge deluge of Soviet wheat at slave labour prices flooded unsuspecting world markets, where surpluses already prevailed, thereby causing poverty and distress to North American farmers. However, Stalin secured the precious foreign currency to pay for German armaments.

Yet the Union of Industrialists were not only interested in cash for their weapons, they wanted a political concession. They feared the arrival of socialism in Germany and were irate at the KPD and Social Democrats objecting to providing funds for the development of new armored cruisers. Stalin would have had no compunction about ordering the German Communists to change sides if it suited his purpose.

He had negotiated with the German armaments makers throughout the summer of and was determined to modernize his armed forces. Relying on the foreign affairs doctrine pursued by the Soviet leadership in the s, in his report of the Central Committee to the Congress of the All-Union Communist Party b on June 27,Joseph Stalin welcomed the international destabilization and rise of political extremism among the capitalist powers.

Instead they received a hearty welcome. It was terribly good. When I awoke at 7: In winter, a receptionist told me, Kemi experiences only a couple of hours of daylight. From there, I took the train south to Tampere, a riverside city where Lenin briefly stopped on his way to Petrograd.

Twelve years earlier, Lenin had held a clandestine meeting in the Tampere Workers Hall with a year-old revolutionary and bank robber, Joseph Stalin, to discuss money-raising schemes for the Bolsheviks. At its peak, the Lenin Museum drew 20, tourists a year—mostly Soviet tour groups visiting nonaligned Finland to get a taste of the West. But after the Soviet Union broke apart ininterest waned, Finnish members of parliament denounced it and vandals ripped off the sign on the front door and riddled it with bullets.

Protesters in the former East German city of Schwerin have battled for more than two years against municipal authorities to remove one of the last Lenin statues standing in Germany: In Ukraine, about Lenin monuments have been removed in the last couple of years, commencing with a Lenin statue in Kiev toppled during demonstrations that brought down President Viktor Yanukovych in Even a Lenin sculpture in a central Moscow courtyard was a recent victim of decapitation.

In the morning I boarded the Allegro high-speed train at Helsinki Central Station for the three-and-a-half-hour, mile trip to St. As I settled into my seat in the first-class car, we sped past birch and pine forests and soon approached the Russian border.

The Devils' Alliance: Hitler's Pact with Stalin, – review | Books | The Guardian

A female immigration official scrupulously leafed through my U. Shortly afterward, we pulled into the Finlyandsky Vokzal—the Finland Station. Lenin arrived here on the night of April 16, eight days after leaving Zurich. Hundreds of workers, soldiers and an honor guard of sailors were waiting. Lenin stepped out of the small, red brick depot and climbed onto the roof of an armored car. He promised to pull Russia out of the war and do away with private property. Long live the worldwide Socialist revolution!

Lenin rode on top of an armored vehicle to the mansion and climbed the stairs to a balcony, where he addressed a cheering crowd. Davide Monteleone The Lenin museum owns a model of his train. Davide Monteleone During the spring ofLenin and his wife resided with his elder sister, Anna, and brother-in-law, Mark Yelizarov, the director of a Petrograd marine insurance company, in an apartment building at Shirokaya Street 52, now Lenina Street.

I entered the rundown lobby and climbed a stairwell that reeked of boiled cabbage to a carefully maintained five-room apartment crammed with Lenin memorabilia.

Nelli Privalenko, the curator, led me into the salon where Lenin once plotted with Stalin and other revolutionaries. Though conscious of the dangers involved, Lenin decided nevertheless to live dangerously. It must be a great comfort to the massacred Krondstadt revolutionists to know, if they could, that Lenin worried about democracy while applying martial law.

And also for the dead hostages, democratically butchered at the ratio of two-hundred to one. However, the Dzerzhinsky-pattern was evolved not only as a weapon against the white-guardists, but also for the struggle against soviet democracy.

The latter was the revolution itself, not yet brought under party control. It was the enemy, which Lenin fought, and over which Stalin finally triumphed.

All she has to offer in support of her thesis is the promise behind the power. Of course, all rulers and ruling groups, declare their dictatorship a necessary, if unpleasant medium to a better life for all.

If they are still struggling for power, their promises are quite specific; as soon as they are in power, the promises become rather vague and their fulfilment is relegated into the distant future.

The Devils' Alliance: Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941 – review

And what Lenin intended to do in Russia has been fulfilled in her state-economy. If his principles of organization and control appear to differ from the Russian reality, it is because it involves no longer a few thousand people, but more than millions, no longer a selected group of revolutionists, but all the social layers of Russia and beyond. Certainly not a communist movement trying to break the monopolization of power and to end the social class structure.

She writes about the revolutionary movement as Eisenhower writes about the war. It is all a question of leadership and strategy, and the rest is just logistics. How it is possible, however, to fight for absolute state power and yet not become the State Party, remains unexplained.

The origins of the State Party, Russian or otherwise, are not secret; they are identical with those that gave impetus to the accumulation and expansion of world capitalism.

Russian state-capitalism, like German fascism, is a national reaction to the shifts in international power constellations brought on by large-scale competition. There is nothing specifically Russian, Bolshevistic or Stalinistic in the development of state-capitalism, which implies the State Party.

To single out the Stalinist Party as originator and carrier of totalitarianism is to obscure the nature of present-day capitalism, whose general trend is towards totalitarian rule.