Next Commission Meeting: Thursday, September 20, Mono the documentary, The Beginning of Life. predict, and hypothesize. Accountability Commission meeting and will introduce the Transition Age Youth Winning documentary, The S Word, which follows the lives of physician Samuel A. Cartwright hypothesized as the cause of “black slaves. videos, photographs and other documentary material provided by Pakistan's federal The Commission also met with representatives of other governments such new facts that support the conspiracy theory surrounding Mr.
And just as importantly, we learned from them what not to do. AA's tradition of anonymity was a reaction to the publicity-seeking practices of the Oxford Group, as well as AA's wish to not promote, Wilson said, "erratic public characters who through broken anonymity might get drunk and destroy confidence in us.
Informally known as "The Big Book" with its first pages virtually unchanged since the editionit suggests a twelve-step program in which members admit that they are powerless over alcohol and need help from a "higher power". They seek guidance and strength through prayer and meditation from God or a Higher Power of their own understanding; take a moral inventory with care to include resentments; list and become ready to remove character defects; list and make amends to those harmed; continue to take a moral inventory, pray, meditate, and try to help other alcoholics recover.
The second half of the book, "Personal Stories" subject to additions, removal and retitling in subsequent editionsis made of AA members' redemptive autobiographical sketches. Eventually he gained formal adoption and inclusion of the Twelve Traditions in all future editions of the Big Book. Twelve Traditions A regional service center for Alcoholics Anonymous AA says it is "not organized in the formal or political sense",  and Bill Wilson called it a "benign anarchy ". Each group is a self-governing entity with AA World Services acting only in an advisory capacity.
AA is served entirely by alcoholics, except for seven "nonalcoholic friends of the fellowship" of the member AA Board of Trustees. It does not accept donations from people or organizations outside of AA.
In keeping with AA's Eighth Tradition, the Central Office employs special workers who are compensated financially for their services, but their services do not include traditional "12th Step" work of working with alcoholics in need.
It also maintains service centers, which coordinate activities such as printing literature, responding to public inquiries, and organizing conferences.
The sponsor should preferably have experience of all twelve of the steps, be the same sex as the sponsored person, and refrain from imposing personal views on the sponsored person. AA shares the view that acceptance of one's inherent limitations is critical to finding one's proper place among other humans and God.
Such ideas are described as "Counter-Enlightenment" because they are contrary to the Enlightenment 's ideal that humans have the capacity to make their lives and societies a heaven on earth using their own power and reason. Rudy and Arthur L. Greil found that for an AA member to remain sober a high level of commitment is necessary.
This commitment is facilitated by a change in the member's worldview. To help members stay sober AA must, they argue, provide an all-encompassing worldview while creating and sustaining an atmosphere of transcendence in the organization. To be all-encompassing AA's ideology places an emphasis on tolerance rather than on a narrow religious worldview that could make the organization unpalatable to potential members and thereby limit its effectiveness.
AA's emphasis on the spiritual nature of its program, however, is necessary to institutionalize a feeling of transcendence.
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A tension results from the risk that the necessity of transcendence, if taken too literally, would compromise AA's efforts to maintain a broad appeal. As this tension is an integral part of AA, Rudy and Greil argue that AA is best described as a quasi-religious organization. Local AA directories list a variety of weekly meetings. Those listed as "closed" are available to those with a self professed "desire to stop drinking," which cannot be challenged by another member on any grounds.
Some meetings are devoted to studying and discussing the AA literature. The research also found that AA was effective at helping agnostics and atheists become sober.
The authors concluded that though spirituality was an important mechanism of behavioral change for some alcoholics, it was not the only effective mechanism. Disease theory of alcoholism More informally than not, AA's membership has helped popularize the disease concept of alcoholism, though AA officially has had no part in the development of such postulates which had appeared as early as the late eighteenth century.
The Big Book states that alcoholism "is an illness which only a spiritual experience will conquer. As laymen, our opinion as to its soundness may, of course, mean little. But as ex-problem drinkers, we can say that his explanation makes good sense.
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It explains many things for which we cannot otherwise account. The historian plunged in, and she read through boxes and drawers full of papers that included personal correspondence between Buchanan and billionaire industrialist Charles Koch. A Theory of Property Supremacy Buchanan, a graduate of Middle Tennessee State University who later attended the University of Chicago for graduate study, started out as a conventional public finance economist.
But he grew frustrated by the way in which economic theorists ignored the political process. Buchanan, MacLean notes, was incensed at what he saw as a move toward socialism and deeply suspicious of any form of state action that channels resources to the public. Why should the increasingly powerful federal government be able to force the wealthy to pay for goods and programs that served ordinary citizens and the poor? In thinking about how people make political decisions and choices, Buchanan concluded that you could only understand them as individuals seeking personal advantage.
Adam Smith saw human beings as self-interested and hungry for personal power and material comfort, but he also acknowledged social instincts like compassion and fairness.
Buchanan, in contrast, insisted that people were primarily driven by venal self-interest. They wanted to control others and wrest away their resources: Does that sound like your kindergarten teacher? It did to Buchanan.
The people who needed protection were property owners, and their rights could only be secured though constitutional limits to prevent the majority of voters from encroaching on them, an idea Buchanan lays out in works like Property as a Guarantor of Liberty In the economist launched a center dedicated to his theories at the University of Virginia, which later relocated to George Mason University.
MacLean describes how he trained thinkers to push back against the Brown v. She notes that he took care to use economic and political precepts, rather than overtly racial arguments, to make his case, which nonetheless gave cover to racists who knew that spelling out their prejudices would alienate the country. All the while, a ghost hovered in the background — that of John C.
Calhoun of South Carolina, senator and seventh vice president of the United States. Calhoun was an intellectual and political powerhouse in the South from the s until his death inexpending his formidable energy to defend slavery. MacLean observes that both focused on how democracy constrains property owners and aimed for ways to restrict the latitude of voters.
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Suppressing voting, changing legislative processes so that a normal majority could no longer prevail, sowing public distrust of government institutions— all these were tactics toward the goal. But the Holy Grail was the Constitution: Money, Buchanan knew, can be a persuasive tool in academia.
His circle of influence began to widen. Buchanan was the dark side of this: So he wanted to keep people from believing that government could be the alternative to those problems.
That a Nobel Prize was awarded in to an economist who so determinedly bucked the academic trends of his day was nothing short of stunning, MacLean observes. But, then, it was the peak of the Reagan era, an administration several Buchanan students joined.
The economist saw that his vision would never come to fruition by focusing on who rules. Koch, whose mission was to save capitalists like himself from democracy, found the ultimate theoretical tool in the work of the southern economist. Together they could push economic ideas to the public through media, promote new curricula for economics education, and court politicians in nearby Washington, D. At the fiftieth anniversary of the Mont Pelerin Society, MacLean recounts that Buchanan and his associate Henry Manne, a founding theorist of libertarian economic approaches to law, focused on such affronts to capitalists as environmentalism and public health and welfare, expressing eagerness to dismantle Social Security, Medicaid, and Medicare as well as kill public education because it tended to foster community values.
Feminism had to go, too: To put the success into perspective, MacLean points to the fact that Henry Manne, whom Buchanan was instrumental in hiring, created legal programs for law professors and federal judges which could boast that by two of every five sitting federal judges had participated.