obligations of the State Parties (SP) to the Convention on Cluster Munitions . Before reaching majority, childhood is characterised by dependencies on others .. behaviour patterns and the consideration of violence as a solution Cluster On the other hand, SP could in the course of the first meeting of SP in Lao PDR. Argentina imported and stockpiled cluster munitions in the past, but affirms it never used Argentina supported technical solutions to the cluster munition problem,  According to military officials, this effort did not reach full-scale production and  “Provisional report of the th meeting of the UN Security Council,”. in the use of cluster munitions (CM). Coinciding with a cluster munitions ( also known as Dual-Purpose Im- implementing defense solutions, other countries may not be configured to meet existing warheads' overall mass and Government Business Council (GBC) is dedicated to advanc- ing the.
They have since become common—if controversial—weapons for most modern militaries. Cluster munitions gained preferential status through a combination of technological innovations, changing combat needs, industrial interests, permissive laws, and lack of public awareness or debate.
These factors produced an area effect munition that exacts a lethal and predictable, even if unintentional, toll on civilians.
From their first major use, the civilian harm inflicted by cluster munitions has outweighed their military benefits. During the Vietnam War, the United States blanketed Southeast Asia with the weapons, causing civilian casualties at the time of attack and leaving millions of unexploded submunitions that continue to kill and maim decades later.
Since then, cluster munitions have proliferated widely and been used in almost every region of the world. The history of development, use, and proliferation illuminates the major problems of cluster munitions and foreshadows the impact they still have today. Early Development and Use The technology that produced the earliest cluster munitions also gave rise to their devastating effects.
Through experiments conducted in the early twentieth century, scientists determined that small, high-velocity projectiles were the most effective means of maximizing injury. In particular, mechanical time fuzes installed on the large container that carried submunitions released submunitions after the passage of a certain period of time, allowing them to spread over a wide footprint and hit a large number of targets.
Modern cluster munitions date back to the First World War, when Britain had the idea of dropping a group of munitions for incendiary bombing. The United States sought weapons with maximum antipersonnel impact to offset the disadvantage of being outnumbered by enemy troops.
Controlled fragmentation munitions, with their ability to incapacitate through debilitating wounds, offered a solution. For example, new dispensers were designed to hold more submunitions and disperse these submunitions more widely. The United States made widespread use of a variety of cluster munitions during the Vietnam War. According to an analysis of bombing data by Handicap International, over the course of the conflict, US forces dropped approximately 80, cluster munitions containing 26 million submunitions on Cambodia, more thancluster munitions containing nearly 97 million submunitions on Vietnam, and more thancluster munitions containing at least million submunitions on Laos.
Michael Krepon, later founder of the Henry L. According to the International Committee of the Red Cross ICRCunexploded submunitions have killed or injured some 11, people in Laos, more than 30 percent of whom have been children. The use of cluster munitions provoked increasing public opposition to the Vietnam War in the United States and elsewhere.
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Though napalm was the weapon antiwar protesters targeted most, cluster munitions had a mobilizing effect as well. Opponents criticized the manufacturers of cluster munition components,  and peace activists and antiwar journalists visiting North Vietnam discovered and reported on the humanitarian impact of the weapons.
Early Proliferation of Cluster Munitions: In Africa, unknown forces left cluster munition remnants in Zambia sMorocco used cluster munitions against a non-state armed group in Western Sahara and Mauritaniathe United States attacked Libyan shipsand France and Libya launched attacks in Chad Finally, the Soviet Union, which would become another major user, used cluster munitions during its invasion of Afghanistan from toprimarily to attack mujahiddeen strongholds and exposed fighters.
Cluster munitions accounted for about one-quarter of the bombs dropped on Iraq and Kuwait during the Gulf War of Coalition forces also used cluster munitions in urban areas, leading to attacks on infrastructure and dual use targets frequented by civilians during and after the war.
As of Februaryunexploded submunitions had killed 1, civilians and injured 2, more. The plethora of duds on major roads put both refugees and foreign relief groups at risk. First, they slowed economic recovery because duds needed to be cleared before people could restore industrial plants, communication facilities, and neighborhoods  and extinguish the oil fires in Kuwait. In Africa, both Eritrea and Ethiopia used the weapons in their territorial dispute over the Badme border area, causing hundreds of civilian casualties.
Cluster munition remnants were found from conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan and Tajikistan The attacks culminated in at least casualties, including deaths. Internal and NATO forces used cluster munitions in Bosnia and Herzegovina between andreportedly causing at least 92 casualties, of which 13 individuals were killed and 79 injured. Modern Technological Developments After the Vietnam War, as use of cluster munitions spread, the technology of cluster munitions continued to evolve.
None, however, has succeeded in eliminating the inherent problems of the weapons. Perhaps the most important technological change was the addition of devices designed to reduce dud rates, including self-destruct, self-neutralization, and self-deactivating mechanisms.
In theory such devices would minimize the number of civilian casualties, but as exemplified by the use of M85 submunitions with self-destruct devices, they failed to do so. British ground forces used M85s for the first time in combat during major hostilities in Iraq in Many military experts at that time consider it to be the most reliable submunition model produced because it had a 1. Modern cluster munition technology has also sought to increase the accuracy of the container itself.
More precision would improve the chances of hitting the intended target, which would have military and humanitarian benefits. In particular this model still released submunitions, many of which did not explode on impact as designed, and was vulnerable to poor targeting.
Infrared and laser sensor guidance systems on the skeets are designed to direct them to targets with high heat sources, such as armored tanks, parked airplanes, and vehicles. Despite these multiple technological developments, states have also continued to use Vietnam War-era cluster munitions. The United States used updated versions of the Rockeye, containing dart-shaped dual-purpose Mk submunitions that are known to leave behind a high number of unexploded duds, in Yugoslavia inAfghanistan in andand Iraq in At least 86 countries acquired stockpiles of the weapons and their use spread to Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East.
Newer, more technologically advanced submunitions have been developed but have failed to solve humanitarian problems. At the same time, models from the s continue to be used. While the Vietnam War may have been the most egregious case of civilian harm from cluster munitions, it was only the beginning. A Decade of Cluster Munition Use: In the past 11 years, cluster munition use has resulted in disproportionate civilian harm in five major conflicts: In each, cluster munitions have had devastating effects on individuals and communities.
They have killed and maimed civilians during strikes with explosions that sent shards of steel in every direction. Unexploded submunitions have lingered on the battlefield, endangering civilians, clearance professionals, and even friendly soldiers fighting through the areas where they were used.
By contaminating fields and farms, cluster munitions have also interfered with livelihoods.
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The five recent conflicts documented by Human Rights Watch illustrate varied types of cluster munition use and the dangers associated with them. The NATO air campaign in the former Yugoslavia showed the risks of using air-dropped models in urban areas, while the US bombing of Afghanistan demonstrated that use even in small villages or near populated areas can cause civilian casualties.
Finally, use by Russia and Georgia in the conflict over South Ossetia highlighted that different kinds of players—from major users, producers, and stockpilers to first-time users who import their cluster munitions—turn to the weapons, and that cluster munitions often do not work as intended. Over the course of these conflicts, some of the armed forces have tried strategies to decrease the harm to civilians of cluster munition attacks, including new technology, changes in targeting, and vetting processes.
The results of Human Rights Watch field investigations, summarized below, illustrate that regardless of the specifics of an attack or the nature of the safeguards taken, cluster munitions always have predictable and unavoidable humanitarian consequences.
The evidence calls for an absolute ban on the weapons. As soon as the security situation allows, Human Rights Watch researchers conduct on-the-ground investigations to understand how and why civilians were killed or injured. Increasingly Human Rights Watch researchers are on the ground during the armed conflict or immediately after ceasefire, as was the case in Lebanon in and Georgia in Research teams investigate the villages, towns, and general area surrounding cluster munition strikes.
At each site Human Rights Watch researchers interview civilians directly affected by the attacks, visit hospitals to interview doctors and collect casualty statistics, meet with demining and aid organizations and military personnel, examine physical evidence of the strikes such as weapons debris and structural damage, and take documentary photographs. Human Rights Watch also employs GPS receivers and mapping programs in order to locate strikes and map data.
After an initial mission, Human Rights Watch continues to conduct follow-up interviews with civilians, deminers, medical experts, and military officials and often sends inquiries to the parties responsible for cluster munition use before compiling and analyzing all of the information gathered.
In some cases, it returns to the site of the conflict to assess the long-term effects on civilians. The results of its findings are then made public in a full-length report with recommendations. NATO could not overcome the threats posed by the inherent nature of cluster munitions. Widespread reports of civilian casualties from cluster munitions and international criticism of these weapons as potentially indiscriminate became so apparent that, in mid-MayPresident Clinton temporarily suspended US use of cluster bombs in this campaign.
The order came just days after the NATO strike on Nis, which was particularly noteworthy for the civilian casualties that it caused. The cluster munitions misfired and fell from 1.
Submunitions landed near the Nis Medical School in southeast Nis, in the town center including the area of the central city market place, and near a car dealership and parking lot. According to media reports, unexploded submunitions on several city streets and throughout the city center endangered civilians after the strike. Even when the weapons are intended for military targets, technical failure can occur at the expense of civilian lives. Aftereffects According to the ICRC, explosive submunition duds in Kosovo killed at least 50 civilians and injured at least from June to May Adnan, 6, was swimming with his family when he picked up a small yellow object and showed it to his family.
While she was there, Sanije stepped on a second submunition and was killed. In this conflict, the United States heeded some lessons from past use of cluster munitions, but the weapons continued to raise the same issues.
Improvements in targeting did not eliminate the civilian harm caused by the use of cluster munitions in or near populated areas, and improvements in technology did not adequately overcome the fundamental, and fatal, flaws of the weapon. Unexploded US submunitions also endangered US troops, in several cases hindering their movements and slowing down operations. In particular, the bombing of Afghanistan demonstrated the danger cluster munitions pose—during strikes and after—even in a less urban and industrialized setting.
Unlike in some previous conflicts, the United States did not target roads or bridges in Afghanistan with either unitary or cluster munitions, but it did drop cluster munitions on and near inhabited villages.Hero Academy Challenges - Meet the Council - Cluster Bomb
While Afghan villages are smaller than Yugoslavian cities, such targets accounted for many, if not most, of the more than civilian casualties documented by Human Rights Watch from cluster munitions during this conflict. The reports of civilian casualties from US cluster munitions drew criticism from nongovernmental organizations NGOsintergovernmental organizations, and some governments, leading to calls for an immediate moratorium until an international agreement could be reached.
These casualty figures do not represent the total for the country because some deaths and injuries went unreported and because Human Rights Watch did not attempt to identify every civilian casualty caused by cluster munitions. The incident in the village of Ishaq Suleiman, northwest of Herat, exemplifies the danger of using these weapons in or near populated areas. At least eight civilians died during the attacks, and four more died later from duds. US Air Force mission reports, and intelligence documents indicate that the strikes were intended for the nearby Fourth Armored Brigade Headquarters.
US Air Force sources also revealed that the choice to fly toward, rather than away from, Ishaq Suleiman resulted in submunitions falling on the village. The use of CBU cluster munitions so near a civilian population was clearly the wrong choice of weapon, but a strike on such a location with any type of cluster munition is unacceptably dangerous to civilians.
Aftereffects Using a conservative estimate of a 5 percent dud rate, the cluster munitions dropped by the United States in Afghanistan likely left more than 12, explosive duds. All but 12 of the victims were male, presumably because women have less freedom of movement in Afghanistan, and 68 percent of victims were children under the age of One month later deminers were finally able to clear the site of BLU submunitions.
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On December 21,Arbrabrahim, 52, died while plowing a field in Jebrael near Herat. Three children from Nawabad died while collecting wood at the Firqa 17 military base in Herat.
The United States used cluster bombs extensively in the cave regions, only to discover later that the duds posed a threat to ground troops. The danger of stepping on submunitions forced them to cut back on such operations, reducing their advantage.
Iraq  The United States and the United Kingdom used nearly 13, cluster munitions, containing an estimated 1. Unlike in Yugoslavia and Afghanistan, where the United States and its allies only used air-dropped cluster munitions, Coalition forces used far more ground-launched cluster munitions than air-dropped ones.
Ground-launched cluster munitions were less accurate than the newer, air-dropped models used by the US Air Force and caused excessive civilian casualties around the country during and after the conflict.
The heavy use of these cluster munitions in populated areas where both soldiers and civilians were present exacerbated the problem and produced the majority of casualties.
In Iraq, US and UK forces established procedures to vet ground-launched cluster munition strikes, but such precautions failed to protect civilians. The targeting of residential neighborhoods, which were not classified as no-strike sites, caused hundreds of civilian deaths and injuries.
Human Rights Watch estimated that cluster munitions caused more civilian casualties than any Coalition weapons other than small arms. Coalition ground forces launched some 11, surface-delivered cluster munitions containing at least 1. Each one consists of a scored, antipersonnel, steel fragmentation case with an armor-piercing shaped charge inside and can be launched by artillery or rocket. Coalition air forces also relied primarily on technology that had fallen short in the past when they dropped at least 1, cluster munitions containing more thansubmunitions.
Cluster Munition Strikes in the Iraq Ground War Coalition ground forces did not learn the lessons of past wars, and their cluster munitions killed or wounded hundreds of civilians in populated areas. The United States did not reveal full details about the ground-launched cluster munitions they used,  but based on available information, Coalition cluster munition strikes left many tens of thousands of submunition duds.
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Therefore, they said, they often had to use cluster munitions for counter-battery fire when a unitary warhead would have sufficed. The US and UK militaries employed procedures to vet these ground-launched cluster munition strikes. US forces screened ground-launched cluster attacks through computer and human vetting systems.
The computer contained a no-strike list of more than 12, sites including schools and hospitals. Strikes were supposed to be kept at least meters away from these sites, and visual confirmation of a clear military target was required. As a result, ground-launched cluster munition attacks, even those on legitimate military targets, were one of the major causes of civilian casualties during the war.
The accounts detailed below of al-Hilla and Basra exemplify the civilian casualties of ground-launched cluster munition strikes in populated areas. Al-Hilla Al-Hilla and its surrounding neighborhoods and villages suffered the most from ground-launched cluster munitions.
In Nadir, a poor neighborhood on the south side of the city, for example, every household Human Rights Watch visited had experienced personal injury or property damage from a March 31, attack by the US Army. That day, the al-Hilla General Teaching Hospital treated injured civilians, including 30 children. Ten relatives sleeping throughout the home also suffered injuries. Jamal Kamil Sabin, 25, was crossing a bridge with his family when a submunition exploded, and he lost his leg.
The number of air-dropped cluster munitions used during this period represented 4 percent of the total number of air-delivered weapons used by Coalition forces. In targeting and technology, the US Air Force demonstrated that it had learned many of the lessons from Yugoslavia and Afghanistan, but its track record was far from perfect. The US Air Force dropped fewer cluster munitions in or near populated areas, and Human Rights Watch found only isolated cases of air-dropped cluster munitions in Iraqi cities.
As a result, civilian casualties from such weapons were limited. When the US Air Force did not take care to avoid populated areas, however, cluster munitions caused casualties.
The guided CBU with WCMD represented 68 percent of the total number of reported air-dropped cluster munitions used by the United States and probably contributed to the low number of civilian casualties in urban strikes. Aftereffects Iraq was no exception to the predictable aftereffects of cluster munition use. Months after major fighting ended, submunitions continued to maim and kill civilians.
None of the 15 non-signatories from the Middle East and North Africa have indicated they are considering accession to the convention. The meeting received significant media attention after Belize acceded to the convention on the opening day, making Central America the first sub-region to have universalized the convention and become a zone free of cluster munitions.
Several regional workshops aimed at encouraging universalization and implementation of the Convention on Cluster Munitions took place in the first half of Norway and Ecuador convened an informal workshop on the convention for Southeast Asia states in Geneva on 24 March Summary of states using cluster munitions and locations used  Note: Other areas are indicated in italics.
The US, Israel, and Syria—all non-signatories to the Convention on Cluster Munitions—have been among the most prolific users of cluster munitions, while the vast majority of states outside the convention have never used them. Israel, Russia, and the US. Many countries that used cluster munitions in the past are now either States Parties France, Iraq, the Netherlands, South Africa, and the UK or have signed Colombia and Nigeria the Convention on Cluster Munitions, and have relinquished use of cluster munitions.
Five-year review of cluster munition use There have been no confirmed reports or allegations of new use of cluster munitions by any State Parties to the convention. However, cluster munitions have been used in seven non-signatories to the convention since its August entry into force: Thailand fired cluster munition rockets into Cambodia during border clashes in February ; Cluster bombs were dropped on two locations in Libya in earlybut it was not possible to conclusively determine responsibility.
Sincethere was also an allegation that a weapon that appears to meet the criteria of a cluster munition was used in non-signatory Myanmar in early As the conflict in Syria worsens, it is becoming much harder to determine with confidence if cluster munitions have been used by opposition groups other than IS. There is some evidence that opposition forces have utilized unexploded submunitions as improvised explosive devices IEDs.
Responses to the use of cluster munitions The Syrian military has denied possessing or using cluster munitions and the government usually does not respond to or comment on its use of cluster munitions. The cluster munition use in Syria has attracted widespread media coverage, public outcry, and condemnations by more than states since Both parties to the conflict have used two types of cluster munitions fired from dedicated launch tubes mounted on vehicles: The 9N and 9N are fragmentation submunitions designed to self-destruct a minute or two after being ejected from the rocket.
There has been no evidence to indicate that cluster munitions have been used elsewhere in Ukraine, for example, in Crimea. Neither party to the conflict has taken responsibility for use of cluster munitions in eastern Ukraine. Ukraine has repeatedly denied the use of cluster munitions by its armed forces since Octoberwhen it blamed the use on pro-Russian separatist groups.
The Libyan Air Force admitted to bombing both locations in early during attacks against Libya Dawn forces, but denied using cluster munitions. In MayHuman Rights Watch reported that government aircraft dropped two cluster bombs on Tongoli village in Delami county on 6 March and four bombs on Rajeefi village in Um Durein county in late February In almost all of these documented incidents the cluster munitions failed to function as designed, leaving failed munitions and unexploded submunitions.
Alswarmy Khalid, denied responsibility for the use detailed in the May Human Rights Watch report. A Saudi military spokesman acknowledged use of the CBU see belowalthough the United Arab Emirates also possesses them and could be responsible.
Ahmed Asiri acknowledged use of CBU cluster munitions in Yemen, but argued they have not been used in civilian areas or against civilians, and are not prohibited weapons. It also found that some of the cluster munitions malfunctioned as their submunitions failed to disperse from the canister or dispersed but did not explode.
Houthi forces are not known to operate aircraft capable of using cluster munitions, but may have access to ground-fired cluster munitions. Romania has stated it restricts the use of cluster munitions to exclusively on its own territory. Poland has stated it would use cluster munitions for defensive purposes only, and does not intend to use them outside its own territory.
Estonia and Finland have made similar declarations. The CMC has called on these states to institute the commitments they made at the CCW as national policy as an interim measure towards joining the Convention on Cluster Munitions. Non-State Armed Groups Due to the relative sophistication of cluster munitions and their delivery systems, very few non-state armed groups NSAGs have used them.
For the first time sincecluster munitions were used by NSAGs in two countries in the second half of Producers Sixteen countries are believed to produce cluster munitions or reserve the right to do so.
Asia and Europe account for the majority of producer states, with six and five producers respectively, while the Middle East and North Africa has three producer states and two producers are from the Americas. Cluster munition producers It is not known if cluster munitions were produced in all these countries in or the first half of due to lack of transparency and available data.
In earlystate-owned company Israel Military Industries IMI was put up for sale as part of a privatization measure and the government apparently intends to sell it to the highest qualified bidder by the end of the year. Eighteen states have ceased the production of cluster munitions, as shown by the following table. All are States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions except non-signatory Argentina, which has indicated that it does not intend to produce cluster munitions in future.
Former producers of cluster munitions Several States Parties have provided information on the conversion or decommissioning of production facilities in their Article 7 transparency reports, including France, Japan, Sweden, and Switzerland. Despite this challenge, the Monitor has identified at least 15 countries that have in the past transferred more than 50 types of cluster munitions to at least 60 other countries. While the historical record is incomplete and there are large variations in publicly available information, the US has probably been the world leader in exports, having transferred hundreds of thousands of cluster munitions containing tens of millions of submunitions to at least 30 countries and other areas.
The use of US-manufactured and supplied CBU cluster munitions by a Saudi Arabia-led coalition in Yemen in is raising questions about whether US transfer requirements are being met. At least two states that have not joined the Convention on Cluster Munitions have enacted an export moratorium: Singapore and the US. Countries that have stockpiled cluster munitions Note: Countries in italics report no longer possessing stockpiles.
Stockpiles possessed by non-signatories It is not possible to provide a global estimate of the quantity of cluster munitions currently stockpiled by non-signatories to the Convention on Cluster Munitions as so few have disclosed information on the types and quantities possessed. According to available information, at one point 30 States Parties stockpiled nearly 1. Cluster munitions and explosive submunitions declared by States Parties  Note: Italics indicate states that no longer possess stockpiles.
Another four States Parties are not listed in the table above and currently stockpile cluster munitions that must be formally declared in their initial Article 7 transparency reports: Guinea-Bissau acknowledges that it stockpiles cluster munitions, but is nearly four years late in delivering its initial transparency report for the convention. Slovakia disclosed information on a stockpile of cluster munitions in its January action accession plan for the convention.
Stockpiles possessed by signatories Two signatories have completed stockpile destruction and state that they no longer possess cluster munitions: Colombia destroyed a stockpile of 72 cluster munitions and 10, submunitions in Angola stated in that its entire stockpile had been destroyed and its armed forces no longer possessed cluster munitions.
Indonesia has acknowledged stockpiling cluster munitions, but has not disclosed information on the types and quantities possessed. Stockpile destruction Under Article 3 of the Convention on Cluster Munitions, each State Party is required to declare and destroy all stockpiled cluster munitions under its jurisdiction or control as soon as possible, but no later than eight years after entry into force for that State Party.
States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions have destroyed a total of 1. Cluster munitions destroyed by States Parties Note: In10 States Parties destroyedcluster munitions and BiH, Hungary, Portugal, and Slovenia completed destruction of their stockpiles; Innine States Parties destroyedcluster munitions and 27 million submunitions.