Political machine | politics | posavski-obzor.info
Essentially, political machines were useful only to those who supported these of only some city dwellers: certain immigrant groups and the working classes. Do you think that the relationship between political machines and their constituents through which place did immigrants arriving on the West Coast pass before gaining . Many city dwellers crowded into multifamily, often unsanitary ______. What were political machines and what did they do? o Chairman of Democratic -Republican General Committee of the City of New York.
There is one great central boss, assisted by some trusted and able lieutenants; these communicate with the different district bosses, whom they alternately bully and assist. The district boss in turn has a number of half-subordinates, half-allies, under him; these latter choose the captains of the election districts, etc.
Machine workers helped win elections by turning out large numbers of voters on election day. It was in the machine's interests to only maintain a minimally winning amount of support. Once they were in the majority and could count on a win, there was less need to recruit new members, as this only meant a thinner spread of the patronage rewards to be spread among the party members.
As such, later-arriving immigrants, such as Jews, Italians, and other immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe between the s and s, saw fewer rewards from the machine system than the well-established Irish. They achieved national and state civil-service reform and worked to replace local patronage systems with civil service.
By Theodore Roosevelt 's time, the Progressive Era mobilized millions of private citizens to vote against the machines. Farley was the chief dispenser of the Democratic Party's patronage system through the Post Office and the Works Progress Administration which eventually nationalized many of the job benefits machines provided. All patronage was screened through Farley, including presidential appointments.
The New Deal machine fell apart after he left the administration over the third term in Those agencies were abolished in and the machines suddenly lost much of their patronage. The formerly poor immigrants who had benefited under Farley's national machine had become assimilated and prosperous and no longer needed the informal or extralegal aides provided by machines. Smaller communities such as Parma, Ohioin the post—Cold War Era under Prosecutor Bill Mason's "Good Old Boys" and especially communities in the Deep South, where small-town machine politics are relatively common, also feature what might be classified as political machines, although these organizations do not have the power and influence of the larger boss networks listed in this article.
For example, the "Cracker Party" was a Democratic Party political machine that dominated city politics in Augusta, Georgiafor over half of the 20th century. Machines are criticized as undemocratic and inevitably encouraging corruption.
Machines were undemocratic but responsive.
They were also able to contain the spending demands of special interests. Daley the political power to deny labor union contracts that the city could not afford and to make the state government assume burdensome costs like welfare and courts.
Judd and Todd Swanstrom suggest in City Politics that this view accompanied the common belief that there were no viable alternatives. They go on to point out that this is a falsehood, since there are certainly examples of reform oriented, anti-machine leaders during this time. In his mid article "How American Politics Went Insane" in The AtlanticJonathan Rauch argued that the political machines of the past had flaws but provided better governance than the alternatives.
He wrote that political machines created positive incentives for politicians to work together and compromise — as opposed to pursuing "naked self-interest" the whole time. If there's a fire in Ninth or Tenth or Eleventh Avenue, for example, any hour of the day or night, I'm usually there with some of my election district captains as soon as the fore engines.
If a family is burned out I don't I don't ask them if they are Republicans or Democrats, and I don't refer them to the Charity Organization Society, which would investigate their case in a month or two and decide if they are worthy of help about the time they are dead from starvation.
I just get quarters for them, buy clothes for them if their clothes were all burned up, and fix them up until they get things runnin' again. It's philanthropy, but it's politics too - mighty good politics. Who can tell me how many votes one of those fires brings me? The poor are the most grateful people in the world, and, let me tell you, they have more friends in their neighborhoods than the rich have in theirs Another thing, I can always get a deserving man a job.
I make it a point to keep track of jobs, and it seldom happens that I don't have a few up my sleeve ready for use. I hear a young feller that's proud of his voice I ask him to join our Glee Club. He comes up and sings, and he's a follower of Plunkitt for life.
Another young feller gains a reputation as a baseball player in a vacant lot. I bring him into our baseball club. You'll find him working for my ticket at the polls next election.
I rope them all in by givin' them opportunities to show off themselves off. I don't trouble them with political arguments.
The County Committee The county committee consisted of professional politicians and the party's top office holders within the county. In some cases, a single leader, called the "party boss," would dominate the committee. Daley exercised a controlling influence in Chicago in the 's.
Often, however, no single individual dominated the machine. The Tammany Hall machine that controlled New York City's politics from late in the 18th century until midway into the 20th century was seldom dominated by a single "boss.
The power of the county committee was based upon its ability to dominate both elections and the city government. The county committee had absolute control over party nominations and almost total control over the money and votes needed to win election. As a result, the machine's leaders possessed enormous influence with elected government officials, including mayors, judges, county commissioners, and prosecutors.
Through their control of local government offices and influence over elected officials, members of the county committee controlled government "patronage" jobs that could be used to reward loyal party workers.
At the same time, county committee members were in a position to demand financial contributions from businesses within the county in exchange for preferential treatment from the government. Firms that contributed to the machine might receive government contracts, favorable tax treatment, and prompt municipal services.
Those that refused would often be harassed by county health and safety inspectors, find their tax assessments increased, and have difficulty obtaining municipal services, such as trash collection and snow clearance.
Political machines often accepted payments from criminal enterprises in exchange for protection from police interference with their activities. In New York City, for example, protection money paid by gambling and prostitution rackets offered the infamous political machine led by William Marcy Tweed a steady source of income during the midth century.
Political machine - Wikipedia
On election day, a massed army of small-time thugs and hoodlums returned the favors of the Tweed Ring by stuffing ballot boxes with votes for Tweed and intimidating voters. Wards and Precincts The county committee's control of government jobs and its ability to secure contributions from business firms enabled it to establish and maintain the machine's second organizational tier, the precinct or ward organization.
A precinct is the smallest electoral district within a county. Cities are usually divided into wards, each containing a number of precincts, for the purpose of electing members of the municipal council.