France and Armenia
Taking into consideration that the relations between Armenia and friendly France are on a high level and are described as privileged by both. Disappointment is prevalent in Armenia-Diaspora relations. . from the Armenian transnational migrants' relationships with the majority in the US and France. Franco-Armenian relations have existed since the French and the Armenians established contact in the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia In the s. Formal.
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The list could be extended by naming the secondary diasporas created by the dispersion of the Iranian, Lebanese, Egyptian, Iraqi and now Syrian diasporas. Each has unique features. There are some connections among them, but not enough to coordinate them effectively.
Furthermore, they differ along many registers: Some people hope that this heterogeneity may some day become a positive resource, but currently it is the reason why Armenia-Diaspora relations are hard to discuss: The struggle for Karabagh 5 and the existence of post-independence Armenia have of course had a very large impact on the Armenian diaspora, but there are no reliable, conclusive studies that show just how.
We do not have any pre-independence studies that reliably documented most features of various diaspora communities in a disciplined manner, and so even if we had the financial and staff resources to conduct new studies now, we would not be able to compare the new results to previous work.
I have attended several Homeland-Diaspora conferences and have met with scholars and leaders in Armenia and the diaspora. There is consensus about a few items and a difference of opinion and judgment about most issues. Its agenda is both diaspora and homeland oriented. What complicates the situation is constant change. Already, a great deal has altered since independence. For example, the Armenian American community, in particular the Armenian Assembly 6was able to function effectively for a while as a lobbying advocate of the Republic just after the Karabagh conflict.
But, for complicated reasons, that has changed. Or look at the Tashnagtsutyun 7: Meanwhile, it has not been able to capitalize on its political role in Armenia as a way of increasing its prestige in the Diaspora, as it had hoped.
Disappointment is prevalent in Armenia-Diaspora relations. At the same time, Armenia has disappointed the Diaspora by developing an anti-democratic elite that does not inspire trust or direct investment but does contribute to emigration. Many significant links are almost unknown or ignored: The most important emerging issue right now is how Yerevan will deal with Syrian Armenian refugees. Will it be able to function as a homeland for them?
If the answer is positive, then that will have a large and positive impact on the increase and improvement of Homeland-Diaspora relations. If, however, Armenia cannot adequately receive and integrate these refugees, whether because it cannot provide jobs for them or because it finds the refugees politically unmanageable, then they will try to leave for the West, and Homeland-Diaspora relations will have to work under yet another burden of mutual skepticism.
A classic fear of diasporas is assimilation. There is the reality of assimilation which is that over time a part of any community loses its original identity and there is the fantasy which is a pathological anxiety of disappearing. According to you, what are the prospects for the long-term existence and evolution of diaspora communities?
What role, if any, can the homeland or substitute of a homeland play in this? In each generation, intermarriage, loss of language and other factors will lead to it. But it is not the only tendency at work. Two other developments are significant: The other is the emergence of transnational social spaces. As to the first, increasingly well-educated young Armenians in most of the West and even in parts of the Middle East now refuse to adhere to a single identity.
But it is also how they think of their social, cultural and political identities. We have moved decisively towards a society of affiliation, not filiation.
How will Armenian genocide bill affect France-Turkey relations? - CNN
In filiation Fil as in thread; fils as in sonidentity is socially inherited from the family, and the choices are that one either adheres to familial and communal norms or moves away from them, towards assimilation. These options or choices are rejected by the young, whether they are of Armenian, Jewish, or other diasporic origin. They want to choose the nature and extent of their affiliations: Above all, young diasporic Armenians, even more than their elders, want to choose the area of their committed efforts and need to feel that by becoming involved they can be active agents in the development of their homeland and people; they recoil from the trivialization of their initiatives that they too often encounter.
This means that the new, not-quite assimilated youth are not easily mobilized by older diasporic or homeland institutions: If there is marriage, if there are children, then perhaps this generation will start making choices and commitments that can bring them towards the diasporic community. Within Armenian communities in the West, the older organizations and institutions simply do not have enough innovation and creativity to develop new ways of attracting affiliated, not filiated individuals, so that they can attach themselves to at least some diasporic practices.
It is difficult to theorize this. Researchers have to study the nature and intensity of specific affiliations: If there is a diversity of specific projects, the chances of attracting and holding on to affiliated diasporic Armenians and developing their attachments increases. Of course, such tasks become easier if the homeland government either knows how to co-operate with, or at least gets out of the way of, the innovative diasporic organizations.
In time, they will either assimilate or become a new category of the Armenian diaspora. Because globalization has made communication and travel so easy, they do not sever their relationship to those who continue to live in the homeland. The new transnationals receive cultural products from the homeland — they watch satellite TV, have their own TV broadcasts, internet contact, cheap phone calls; whereas an immigrant of waited for a letter that s he might get once a month, these people live in a space where daily contact with the country of origin is possible.
Many travel back annually. When they think of who to marry or where to invest money, they think in terms of this transnational, cross-border space across which the Armenian society that matters to them is distributed. The way in which they will assimilate or settle into diasporicity is as yet uncertain. In other cases, for example with Latin Americans in the US, we can start to see whether transnational communities will become assimilated or evolve into diasporic social and cultural formations by the third generation.
In the US, where the best-studied transnationals are Haitians and Dominicans, it is clear that they sustain their bonds with the homeland.
But can we use them as models? Haitians are black people; Dominicans are quite dark; Algerians are Muslims: Armenians in diaspora communities whether in the Empires that ruled their homeland, or very far have had an essential role in the modernization of Armenian identity, in nationalism and in the founding of the First Republic. Could you elaborate on this history? A number of scholars have studied the way in which diaspora Armenians functioned as conduits of enlightenment, modernization, nation-building, and development in the homeland.
There are several reasons for this. We must remember that when the Armenian homeland or heartland was in the grip of the Ottoman, Russian and Iranian empires, it really was backward, undeveloped.
The Armenians of Armenia are not. These are, first, the digital links that make it possible for skilled Armenians in the Republic to explore what is available globally, entirely bypassing many traditional structures in the diaspora or the homeland.
The American University of Armenia is one. So are certain universities in Europe especially in Budapest, Prague and a few in Germanywhere enterprising young Armenians are receiving an education that entirely bypasses diasporic Armenian organizations. Or, when they do not entirely bypass them, they may connect with and utilize certain diasporic institutions e.
Collectif VAN 12without actually joining them fully. In addition, it is often the case that younger scholars from the Diaspora and Armenia meet each other entirely outside channels controlled by the State-directed Academy and universities. Similarly, many enterprising younger professionals meet and engage their counterparts the same way that people who are neither Armenian nor diasporic meet fellow professionals: These factors are joined by another that is harder to describe: These differences have not been well-described by scholars, but my own interaction with educated young people in Armenia repeatedly demonstrates elements of the misconnection between us: My diasporic Armenianness makes me care for them; but they do not care for my identity, which makes me inclined to help them: Again, this is not peculiar only to Armenians.
They have identity and communities already. The Republic of Armenia has had an uneasy relationship with its diaspora in the s: Rhetorically, things have undergone drastic changes since the end of the s, but are the differences merely superficial, or truly substantial? I would say that the specifically political relationship between Armenia and the diaspora has steadily declined. Between andeach of the three diasporic political parties made a decision to develop some kind of branch or presence in Armenia.
The Ramgavar Party 14 had some visibility in the early days, but then its alliance with the AGBU became problematic in the Diaspora and above all the conflicts within the Party in diaspora also led to a near collapse in Armenia. The few energetic Ramgavars I know now are engaged in a continuing internal struggle. This leaves two diasporic presences in Armenia: Both remain active on the scene, but neither is very effective, although since the new Nakhakhorhrtaran or pre-Parliament, in which some former supporters of the ASALA are active, offers some innovative approaches to address the stasis of politics in Yerevan.
Certainly it can be said that the creation of the Republic of Armenia transformed the Tashnagtsutyun in Diaspora more than its presence in Armenia transformed the political scene there. There are few general truths about these phenomena that I can offer in the confined space of an interview. Again, change is key: The Tashnagtsutyun acted like many returning exiles, who think they can step back into a homeland they have idealized, not realizing that in fact it has been entirely transformed between and Today, they are players of some minor significance in that game, but no longer effective conduits for diasporic and western ideas and behaviors.
The question of how the existence of the Republic has transformed the diaspora is even more difficult: I do not see ample evidence of their importance.
Unfortunately, the only generality we can affirm about the interaction between the old diasporic Armenians and the new transnational migrants is that it has not had many positive results so far in terms of invigorating the Diaspora. There is always a delay.
What do you think of this? In concrete terms, what kind of issues should this chain actually address to have a positive impact on the long-term existence of both diasporas and the Republic of Armenia? What is the evidence that this mutually strengthening chain exists? But perhaps the single most important contribution in human terms came from the Soviet Armenian diaspora, when officers of the former Soviet Army joined the forces of Armenia and Karabagh. Can the Armenian people retain, in the long run, any part of the territories now under Armenian control?
Can there be an economically viable Armenia of somewhat expanded, defensible frontiers that can coexist in peace with Azerbaijan and has open borders with Turkey? The answers to these questions are deeply complicated, in part because what is at issue is the validity of secession: Instead of identifying these, we have a smug governmental attitude in Armenia which assumes that time is on our side, even though development in the Karabagh-controlled territories has been trivial because the government is undecided about it there are some reasons for hesitationand of course, because it is inefficient.
In the end, I sadly doubt that the Diaspora and the Homeland will do what is necessary in order to act together: At any rate, once again, as inthe western and eastern Armenians are not able to coordinate well.
Armenians in France - Wikipedia
By the early s, approximately 50, to 60, Armenians lived in France. In the Interwar periodthe majority of Armenians in France were unskilled villagers that mostly worked in factories for low wages.
Poet and communist militant Missak Manouchianthe commander of the multiethnic Groupe Manouchianbecame an important Resistance leader. Besides Arpen Lavitian, the other executed Armenian member, his group also included many Jews from across Europe.
She along with her husband Arpiar Aslanian worked in an underground publishing house and actively engaged in supplying fighters of the French Resistance with weapons. Louise opened the women's division of the French Resistance and was responsible for the Armenian Resistance in the Northern France.
She and her husband were arrested on July 24th and were later killed in Nazi concentration camps. These new immigrants mobilized the French Armenian community. By the s aroundArmenians lived in France. The explosion killed eight people and injured fifty-five. Contemporary period[ edit ] The devastating earthquake in Armenia on 7 December led to huge mobilization of the French Armenian community. Among others, Charles Aznavour established a charitable foundation in to help the victims of the earthquake.
Various experts, media and organizations have estimated the number of French Armenians to be ,  ,   ,  ,   ,    ,, Armenian is currently a valid option counting toward the Baccalaureate, the French High School certificate.
A minority of Armenians belongs to the Catholic faith and are adherents of the Armenian Catholic Church. An estimated 5, Armenian Evangelicals live in France.