Request PDF on ResearchGate | Explaining the curvilinear relationship between age at first of age at first birth on mental health for women is curvilinear, with first births at both young (age 20 Concerning maternal depression, AMA women, defined as ≥ 35 years old at childbearing, show Nov ; J Marriage Fam. Factors promoting divorce include the quality of the marital relationship, the Some researchers approach this area of research via the concept of family A curvilinear relationship exists between family structure and industrialization. Department of Sociology and marriage follow a curvilinear pattern such that those in the second generation are least likely to be . We predict a curvilinear relationship between generation and marital status, with more likely to divorce as the means for supporting themselves through employment.
Key Independent Variables We created a dichotomous variable to assess whether a participant was in a first marriage coded 1 or a higher-order marriage coded 0. Mean marital duration for first marriages and remarriages were To test for nonlinear effects of marital duration, we also included a quadratic term marital duration X marital duration. Control Variables Age, race, educational attainment, work status, and religion were included as control variables because of their importance in prior literature.
For race, Black was coded as 1, else 0. Work status was also measured as a series of binary variables: We also used the NSHAP network roster file to add a measure of the number of people other than the spouse 14 living in the home of the participant. This measure included those living in the home during all or part of the year. We included this control variable because of the possibility that potential curvilinear relationships between marital duration and sex outcomes have to do with children, relatives, or other household residents present in the home rather than relationship duration per se.
Previous research has also suggested that health has a strong impact on both sexual frequency and enjoyment Delamater, et al. NSHAP included measures of partner health and self-reported health. Both range from 1 poor to 5 excellent. We also created a dummy variable that measured the health of a couple collectively. If the participant indicated that both partners had very good or excellent health, they were considered a healthy couple and coded 1 else 0.
A scale measuring functional limitations was constructed using 7 items that asked participants the level of difficulty they encountered when performing activities of daily living ADLsuch as walking, dressing, bathing, etc. Responses varied from 0 no difficulty to 3 unable to do. The Cronbach's alpha for this scale was. Analyses of the sexual pleasure and emotional satisfaction outcomes also included frequency of sex as an additional predictor.
In order to measure positive and negative spousal interactions, two scales—each consisting of two items from the take-home questionnaire—were created. Due to the ordinal nature of these items, polychoric correlations were used to compute the reliability score.
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The 15 alpha value was. Two items asked participants if their spouse was too critical and demanding. These were summed to create a variable for negative spousal interaction. Table 1 shows descriptive statistics for study variables and Table 2 presents a correlation matrix of study variables. Analysis of each outcome followed the same three-model strategy and all models controlled for background characteristics. First, we ran OLS regression models to estimate the relationship between marital status first marriagemarital duration squared, and the sex outcomes Table 3.
Marital duration squared is a quadratic term marital duration X marital duration. A significant quadratic term indicated that marital duration had a curvilinear relationship with the outcome for more on curvilinear effects see e. Then we added the interaction of gender by first marriage Table 4, Models 1- 3gender by martal duration Table 4, Modelsand gender by marital duration squared Table 4, Models All sex outcomes were five-point measures. With regard to sexual frequency, few participants 16 reported having sex daily or more.
However, close to one in five In the second dependent measure, physical pleasure, Finally, in the third outcome, emotional satisfaction, The first model predicting frequency of sex Model 1, Table 3 showed that being in a first marriage was associated with higher frequency of sex. To illustrate, the predicted value on the frequency of sex outcome went from 1.
Comparing the size of standardized coefficients, first marriage was the fourth largest standardized coefficient after marital duration squared, couple health, and self-rated health. Additionally, first marriage had a semipartial correlation coefficient on par with relationship negativity, another significant variable in the model.
Turning to Models 2 and 3, marriage order was not significantly related to physical pleasure or emotional satisfaction. Returning to Model 1, the marital duration quadratic term had a significant and positive association with frequency of sex. Marital duration, the lower-order coefficient, had a negative association with frequency of sex. Interpreted together, the marital duration and marital duration squared results suggested a curvilinear U-shaped relationship between marital duration and frequency of sex.
Figure 1 shows the quadratic relationship between frequency of sex and marital 17 duration when other covariates were at their mean values. The figure shows that frequency of sex decreased at an increasingly slower rate with increasing marital duration until roughly 50 years. After 50 years of marriage, frequency of sex increased slightly with marital duration.
Marriage duration squared had a semipartial correlation coefficient on par with other significant variables, such as gender, self-rated health, and the relationship interaction and happiness variables. The quadratic term for marital duration was not statistically significant in the physical pleasure or emotional satisfaction models Models 2 and 3.
The effects of some control variables are also worth noting. Age had an inverse relationship with frequency of sex. Women reported lower frequency of sex compared to men. Favorable couple health, self-rated health, positive spousal interaction, and relationship happiness were all associated with higher frequency of sex.
Negative spousal interaction was associated with lower frequency of sex. For the physical pleasure and emotional satisfaction analyses, women reported lower values for both outcomes compared to men. Compared to conservative Protestants, religiously unaffiliated individuals reported lower physical pleasure. College graduates reported lower physical pleasure compared to high school graduates. Couple health and functional limitations were associated with higher emotional satisfaction.
Favorable couple health, self-rated health, positive spousal interaction, relationship happiness, and frequency of sex were all associated with greater physical pleasure and emotional satisfaction. Negative spousal interaction was associated with lower physical pleasure and emotional satisfaction. In order to explore the possibility that relationships may have depended on gender, we estimated a series of models that included interactions of focal variables by gender.
Models 1 18 through 3 in Table 4 tested whether the effect of being in a first marriage varied by gender. None of the interaction terms of first marriage by gender were statistically significant in any models. In Models 4 through 6, we tested whether marital duration had a linear effect that varied by gender. We found that an interaction between gender and marital duration was statistically significant when predicting frequency of sex Model 4but not when predicting physical pleasure Model 2 or emotional satisfaction Model 3.
With increasing marital duration, the gap diminished and eventually closed at relatively high levels of marital duration around 55 years of marriage. Models 7 through 9 in Table 4 tested whether curvilinear relationships between marital duration and sex outcomes varied by gender. No significant interaction effect was present between gender and marital duration squared in any model. Further, this was the first study to test whether key relationships between these marital characteristics and these sex outcomes differed significantly by gender.
This study contributed several findings. We, however, saw no meaningful changes in our key analyses. We discuss each of these findings in turn. First, some support was present for the idea that sex differed in first marriages compared to remarriages. We found that individuals in first marriages had sex more frequently than remarried individuals; however, marriage order made no difference for physical pleasure and emotional satisfaction.
Individuals who have experienced the end of a marriage in the past may not perceive the same level of permanence in their current marriage as those who have never had a marriage end and thus remarried individuals may have somewhat lower motivation for investing in frequent sex.
Expected permanence may help cultivate commitment, trust in the exclusivity of the sexual relationship, and an overall feeling of security, which can further motivate more frequent investments in sex.
Our results suggest that the potential negative effect of perceiving less relationship permanence applies to frequency of sex among older adults. This finding highlights the relevance of several perspectives—habituation, aging as maturity, and partner-specific human capital—for the frequency of sex. The results were 20 limited in that they were not a complete affirmation of any one perspective. However, based on the results at hand, we suggest that evidence was present in support of all three perspectives.
Although sex decreased in frequency as marriages endured, it did so at a decelerating rate and eventually began to increase somewhat. To illustrate, take three married individuals of the same age, health status, and demographic profile, an individual married for 1 year will have appreciably more sex than an individual married for 50 years.
However, an individual married for 50 years will have somewhat less sex than an individual married for 65 years. The effects of habituation may at first have negatively impacted the sex lives of older adults, but growing old as a couple and the experience and knowledge conferred may have eventually led to a minor rebound in frequency of sex.
Future research could seek to assess the extent to which aging as maturity or partner-specific capital mechanisms explain more of upward portion of the curvilinear pattern. Finally, in examining the possibility that the effects of marital characteristics varied by gender, we found that a linear relationship between marital duration and frequency of sex differed between women and men. Consistent with the notion of habituation, increased marital duration was associated with lower frequency of sex for women and men alike.
With increasing marital duration, the sex frequency gap diminished and eventually closed at relatively high levels of marital duration. The finding that men generally had more frequent sex dovetails with prior work documenting gender differences in frequency of sex among married individuals McFarland et al.
In shorter duration marriages, the older men that women are married to have a greater chance of being unhealthy because the unhealthy men have not yet died. In contrast, longer duration marriages are more likely to have fewer of these unhealthy men because they are more likely to have died over time. In other words, women in longer duration marriages are more likely to be married to the healthier older men that have survived.
In sum, the sex frequency convergence between men and women in longer duration marriages may be explained by the greater likelihood of long duration marriage women to be married to healthier men. These longer marriages had men whose health allowed not only their lives to endure, but also their sex lives.
Some effects of control variables were noteworthy for their support of prior research and their contribution of novel information. This study added new information as well. We found that religiously unaffiliated individuals reported lower levels of physical pleasure compared to conservative Protestants. Interestingly, we also found that college graduates reported lower levels of physical pleasure than high school graduates. Our inclusion of employment status also revealed noteworthy patterns.
Individuals with an employment status other than being currently employed or retired had lower physical pleasure and emotional satisfaction, suggesting a connection between occupational life and intimate experiences. The associations between better relationship quality and more frequent sex, physical pleasure, and emotional satisfaction 22 corroborated the findings of a number of studies on the topic e.
Couples may have engaged in sex because of favorable relationship quality, but they also may have a positive assessment of their relationship with their spouse because of a high-quality sexual relationship. Until recently, the sex lives of older adults have been largely neglected in scholarly research. Older adults are one of the fastest growing demographics in the United States and their sexual behavior contributes to health, quality of life, and marital quality.
Researchers can no longer afford to overlook a component of social life that plays such a meaningful role for such a large proportion of the U. This study added knowledge to this area by assessing the role of marital characteristics in sex outcomes among older adults.
Older adult sexual activity was higher in first marriages, suggesting the importance of permanency found in these marriages. Additionally, countervailing mechanisms may slow and even somewhat reverse the negative effects of marital duration on frequency of sex. In general, investing in a single marriage leads to more sex in later life and longer marriage does not always mean less sex in later life. Limitations This study had several important limitations. First, a weakness of the study was that it used single-item measures as dependent variables.
Relatedly, the sex frequency is limited in precision by broad periods of reference in some response categories. This study was also limited by its focus on older adults in heterosexual marriages. New research could also study sexual behavior and satisfaction among older adults who are single or in homosexual relationships.
Additionally, sexual outcomes within extramarital relationships and encounters could also be studied. We were unable to establish causal relationships among variables in this study, which also proved limiting. Selection bias may have confounded our results to some extent as those married for the longest period of time may also have been the most likely to have lived healthy lifestyles.
We have assumed that marital characteristics influence sexual outcomes, but this association could have also run in the opposite direction. Those married for the shortest period of time were likely those who experienced divorce, making them less healthy and more likely to have died before being selected into the sample than those who had never experienced divorce.Types of Marriage in Indian Society in Hindi - sociology
This may also have been the case in regards to marital duration and sexual frequency. Accordingly, by restricting the sample to married older adults, we made our sample a select group. Those in the lowest quality marriages—and perhaps those with the lowest quality sex lives—were likely selected out of the sample. This was 24 especially problematic for the marital duration analyses, since those in longer marriages may have been more select.
Divorce is relatively rare among lengthy marriages, however, and the mean marital duration in our sample was People's reasons for divorcing: Gender, social class, the life course, and adjustment. Journal of Family Issues, 24, Theory-based data analysis for the social sciences. American Sociological Review, 77, An investigation of the sociological patterns of prayer frequency and content.
Sociology of Religion, 69, — Certitude, exclusivity, and the curvilinear relationship between religiosity and paranormal beliefs. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 49, A treatise on the family enlarged ed. The incidence and frequency of marital sex in a national sample. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57, Physical women, emotional men: Gender and sexual satisfaction in midlife.
Archives of Sexual Behavior, 38, A theory of socioemotional selectivity. American Psychologist, 54, Remarriage as an incomplete institution.
American Journal of Sociology, 84, Social Sciences, 64B, ii Sexual satisfaction in the seventh decade of life. Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, 34, Sexual desire in later life.
Journal of Sex Research, 42, — The gendered double standard of aging in US marriage markets. Population and Development Review, 35, Archives of Sexual Behavior, 40, Sexuality of Canadian women at midlife. Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 13, The risk of dissolution in remarriage: An examination of Cherlin's hypothesis of incomplete institutionalization. Family Relations, 33, Emotional and physical satisfaction in noncohabiting, cohabiting, and marital relationships: The importance of jealous conflict.
Journal of Sex Research, 48, The maturational and role perspectives on aging and self through the adult years: American Journal of Sociology, 94, Discovering intimacy, love, and fidelity in American marriage. Experience, expression, and control. It appears that these days, Americans who marry in their late twenties or early thirties face the lowest odds of divorce.
Can the same be said of people in European countries? My analysis of data from many European countries, detailed below, suggests the answer is yes, if they live in a country with a high level of divorce.
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The NSFG respondents were married between and He found that the linear relationship no longer existed in the USA, but had been replaced by a quadratic relationship. Given this table, Cohen stresses the importance of the linear relation the way divorce odds fall sharply as marriage is delayed from the late teens to the late twenties, and rise only modestly, if at all, after that in comparison with the curvilinear one.
My first aim of the current blog post is to replicate these findings from the USA for a number of European countries. Divorce and marriage patterns are different between the U. Also, patterns vary within Europe Catholic versus protestant countries; egalitarian welfare states versus market-oriented.
My second aim is to see whether unions with or without a marriage or civil contract produce different outcomes compared to only marriage. I use the available harmonized data of the first wave of GGP in order to ensure the highest level of cross-national comparability.
I analyze first union or marriage only and whether they ended in union dissolution or divorce. I use both male and female respondents and I do not control for any background characteristics. Note that this is a conservative estimation of the validity of a curvilinear relation between age at marriage and divorce risk, because the quadratic parameter is added to an equation that already contains a linear parameter.
This means that the curvilinear relation must be prominent to be accepted. The background variables are educational level and whether the partner had already children from an earlier union. For some countries the quadratic parameter of age at marriage is highly significant in the two equations: Table 2 shows the percentage of marriages that end in divorce each year for each combination of age at marriage and years married in the UK so-called life table estimates.
This table is comparable to that of Cohen for the USA. The UK is, of course, an Anglo-Saxon country, and it has a high divorce level and a strong market orientation. British individuals who marry for the first time between the ages of 35 and 39 have a higher divorce risk after five years of marriage than individuals who married for the first time between the ages 30 to But those individuals who marry after 30 have a lower divorce risk compared to individuals marrying earlier.
Table 3 shows the same for Germany, a mixed Protestant and Catholic country with a strong family-centered tradition. Individuals who marry when they are older than 34 tend to face a slightly higher risk of divorce in their first five years of marriage than individuals marrying in their early thirties.
Moreover, the divorce risk is clearly higher for individuals when they marry at age 40 or later, versus marrying at age 30 to Often they are preceded by a period of cohabitation, with or without a civil contract. In most European countries cohabitation is also common among the higher classes and a question of lifestyle, while in the U. The successful cohabitations in Europe, as in the U.