Iraq relationship to society

Iraq–United States relations - Wikipedia

iraq relationship to society

What part can tribes play in Iraqi politics? A caveat: Arab tribal society is traditionally ordered on multiple levels— by confederation, tribe, clan. on the societies, economies, polities, and international relations of the Syria- Iraq Relations: State Construction and Deconstruction and the. For American or British involvement in Iraq after the invasion to fully work, the allies would need to spend time on relations with Iran. That was.

As part of his active and turbulent literary and journalistic life, Jawahiri was increasingly his own man, adopting critical and outspoken stances. In one of these, he turned against the loyalty of nasab and attacked prominent ulama of Najaf. It included the line: Predictably, this drew the ire of the notables, and a flood of protests to the King for sheltering such a person. This was the very constituency that the King had tried to cultivate through appointing Jawahiri.

This was the beginning of the end for his court career.

iraq relationship to society

Thereafter, Jawahiri was thrown into the world of literature, journalism and politics, all closely interwoven in that village-like public sphere of the incipient Iraqi nation. He soon developed a distinctive critical voice, and a life of political adventure. Yet, under the monarchical regime which ended in Jawahiri continued to draw on the patronage and influence of the political elite, including royal personalities.

These were deeply ambivalent connections, on both sides, yet it did procure him positions, grants and mediations when he found himself in trouble and difficulty, which was often.

After the revolution, Jawahiri was showered with honours and positions, but not for long. He soon fell out with General Qasim and ended up in exile. Jawahiri, then, is a good example of the detachment and deracination of the individual from corporate allegiance, as part of the process of the formation and imagination of the nation. Many were to follow in that path. The Iraqi left, and particularly the Communist Party, was a magnet for the renegades from all communities, who abandoned the bonds and securities of primary allegiance in favour of a political identification as citizen and patriot.

Jawahiri spoke this sentiment in his famous line: Dr Naji Naji was born inand qualified as a doctor in Thereafter, lacking the resources and connections to engage in an urban practice, he continued in government employment. In that he also suffered from discrimination as a Jew, and lacked the patronage necessary for a more favourable posting. He worked in rural and provincial posts until the end of the s, when he retired to Baghdad and engaged in private practice.

Naji was imprisoned and maltreated, and eventually left Iraq with the near totality of the remaining Jews. I met and interviewed him in London in the late s. Naji was not particularly political, and did not deliberately detach himself from the religious community.

His deracination was a cumulative process, conditioned by his physical separation from the centres of Jewish life, and his absorption into Iraqi provincial life. Although there were other Jewish doctors in a similar position, they were widely dispersed.

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There were also small Jewish communities in the provincial centres near his work. Their customs, speech and dress were like their Muslim neighbours, and as such unlike Baghdadi Jews, especially the educated strata of the capital.

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Naji had much more in common socially and mentally with other government functionaries and professionals posted in the area. These usually had their own club, Nadi al-Muwadhafin, where they met to chat, play games and drink. Naji neither gambled nor drank, but the club was still his main venue of sociability.

He also mixed with the local notability, for whom he cared in his professional capacity. At this level, Naji was integrated into the life of provincial functionaries, and detached from his Jewish communal connections and networks, except during periods of leave when he visited his family in Baghdad.

At times, in his own words, he forgot that he was a Jew, as the following episode indicates. Once, during an epidemic, Naji encountered difficulty in securing premises for quarantine. The landlord of the designated house tried to renege on the deal at the last minute.

To obtain the key Naji had to be firm and assert his authority, to the extent of slapping the man. This was not unusual conduct in the circumstances, but Naji was later astounded at his own action: The political events of the time heightened consciousness of religious divisions, especially with regard to Jews. The Second World War, combined with events in Palestine, aroused nationalist sentiments that were tinged with Nazi sympathies.

At one point he had an encounter with Fawzi al-Qawuqchithe Palestinian militia commander, and his men, there to support Rashid Ali, before withdrawing to Syria at his defeat.

Later, the foundation of the state of Israel heightened anti-Jewish sentiments. While Naji continued to enjoy warm and friendly relations with his patients, local people, notables and religious dignitaries, he was increasingly the target of hostile treatment by his superiors, medics and health directors.

Some were jealous of his professional success, others resentful of a Jewish presence. As a result he was given the least desirable postings, loaded with extra work, and thus prevented from pursuing more lucrative private practice. He was deterred from resigning by a regulation that doctors retiring from government service could only engage in private practice in the location of their last posting, in this case small provincial centres.

From citizenship to communalism Under the rule of General Qasim, who overthrew the Hashemite monarchy in and was himself overthrown inthe power of the tribes, clans and communities was severely challenged by progressive policies, such as land reforms and legal reforms of family law, and by ideological politics.

It was then that the Communist Party made the running in wide-ranging mobilisation of many sectors of the population. This in turn provoked reactions from opposing forces, mostly varieties of Arab nationalists.

These movements were not confined to politics but reinforced the already established cultural and artistic manifestations, from literature to theatre and the plastic arts, and an intense journalistic field to go with these. Wider sectors of the population were brought into the civil society of citizens. This political effervescence was, of course, to lead to severe and bloody conflicts in an unstable society.

This was not easy to accomplish. The combination of bloody repression and incorporation proceeded at a gradual pace through the s, particularly with the manoeuvre of bringing the Communist Party into a common front in government, culminating in the final repression of the party and all its popular associations towards the end of that decade.

The society of citizens was eliminated. They were regimented into the ranks of the party and of loyalty to the ruling clique, their intellectual and cultural products dictated by these considerations. Those who resisted suffered the usual horrors of imprisonment, torture and execution and often the victimisation of their families.

The lucky ones escaped to join the ever-expanding communities of exiles estimated in the millions. Those that remained were reduced to voices of the rulers, often persecuted and humiliated by party and security thugs put in charge of universities and cultural institutions. At one point, university teachers, alongside other public employees, are directed to lose weight by a particular date or lose rank and pay, with threat of severance.

There followed frantic and painful efforts by rotund middle-aged men to comply. The description of the day of weight registration is tragi-comic, with a large number of professors scrambling to get into a small clinic, exhausted and humiliated. The author, a professor of Russian literature, committed suicide soon after she completed the book.

These hardships are exacerbated by the drastic impoverishment of the salaried classes in the years following the Gulf War and the UN sanctions. The parties were repeatedly purged to ensure complete loyalty and subservience to the ruling cliques.

iraq relationship to society

At the same time, the parties became vehicles for the penetration and control of all public institutions and functions, working closely with the multiple security forces. Politics and civil society are totally incorporated into the authoritarian state.

Under these conditions, the security and life-chances of any individual become dependent on their relationship to the organs and networks of the regime. For most people, these relations are mediated through connections and solidarities of kinship and community. In the spheres of power, of government and the military, official rank is subordinated to informal connections of kinship and relations to members of the ruling clique. In the offices of state and public life, it is again connections to the centres of networks of power which procure tenure and promotion.

Selected tribal sheikhs were officially instated as leaders of their tribes, some of their lands restored reversing earlier land reforms and supplied with arms, on condition of loyalty to the regime and ensuring social and political controls in its favour.

iraq relationship to society

By then, of course, they constituted no threat to the regime, but could be useful as instruments of social control. InIraq terminated its mandate status. Consequently, formal diplomatic relations were not established between the U. Eisenhower had established a Special Committee on Iraq SCI in April to monitor events and propose various contingencies for preventing a communist takeover of the country. Kennedy administration's belief that Iraq was not important to the broader Cold War —resulted in the disestablishment of the SCI within days of Kennedy's inauguration as President.

Navy task force to Bahrainand the U. The situation was finally resolved in October, when the British troops were withdrawn and replaced by a 4,strong Arab League force. The Kennedy administration's initially "low-key" response to the stand-off was motivated by the desire to project an image of the U.

iraq relationship to society

In Julyfollowing months of violence between feuding Kurdish tribes, Barzani returned to northern Iraq and began retaking territory from his Kurdish rivals. Although Qasim's government did not respond to the escalating violence, the Kurdish Democratic Party sent Qasim a list of demands in August, which included the withdrawal of Iraqi government troops from Kurdish territory and greater political freedom.

Faced with the loss of northern Iraq after non-Barzani Kurds seized control of a key road leading to the Iranian border in early September and ambushed and massacred Iraqi troops on September 10 and September 12, Qasim finally ordered the systematic bombing of Kurdish villages on September 14, which caused Barzani to join the rebellion on September By MarchBarzani's forces were in firm control of Iraqi Kurdistan, although Barzani refrained from taking major cities out of fear that the Iraqi government would launch reprisals against civilians.

Ambassador to Iraq, John Jernegan, which argued that the U. Despite the Iraqi warnings, senior U. From September through FebruaryQasim repeatedly blamed the "criminal activities" of the U.

On February 7, State Department executive secretary William Brubeck informed Bundy that Iraq had become "one of the more useful spots for acquiring technical information on Soviet military and industrial equipment and on Soviet methods of operation in nonaligned areas. While there have been persistent rumors that the CIA orchestrated the coup, declassified documents and the testimony of former CIA officers indicate there was no direct American involvement, although the CIA was actively seeking to find a suitable replacement for Qasim within the Iraqi military and the U.

The most powerful leader of the new government was the secretary of the Iraqi Ba'ath Party, Ali Salih al-Sa'di, who controlled the militant National Guard and organized a massacre of hundreds—if not thousands—of suspected communists and other dissidents in the days following the coup. While Barzani had released 1, Arab prisoners of war as a gesture of good faith, Iraqi Foreign Minister Talib Shabib told Melbourne on March 3 that the government was unwilling to consider any concessions beyond cultural autonomy and was prepared to use anti-Barzani Kurds and Arab tribes in northern Iraq to co-opt the Kurds's guerrilla methods.

Mathews has meticulously established that National Guard leaders who participated in human rights abuses had been trained in the United States as part of a police program run by the International Cooperation Administration and Agency for International Development.

iraq relationship to society

Stronginformed al-Bakr of a Barzani peace proposal delivered to the U. While a Barzani-initiated ceasefire would have allowed the government to claim victory, al-Bakr "expressed astonishment" over American contacts with the Kurds, asking why the message had not been delivered through the Soviets. President Arif, with the overwhelming support of the Iraqi military, purged Ba'athists from the government and ordered the National Guard to stand down; although al-Bakr had conspired with Arif to remove al-Sa'di, on January 5,Arif removed al-Bakr from his new position as Vice Presidentfearful of allowing the Ba'ath Party to retain a foothold inside his government.

Johnson administration favorably perceived Arif's proposal to partially reverse Qasim's nationalization of the IPC's concessionary holding in July although the resignation of six cabinet members and widespread disapproval among the Iraqi public forced him to abandon this planas well as pro-Western lawyer Abdul Rahman al-Bazzaz 's tenure as Prime Minister; Bazzaz attempted to implement a peace agreement with the Kurds following a decisive Kurdish victory at the Battle of Mount Handren in May Strong and making a number of friendly gestures to the U.

Duncan handed over the keys to the U.

The rise and fall of civil society in Iraq | openDemocracy

Belgium became the protecting power for the U. Interests Section of the Belgian Embassy. India agreed to serve as the protecting power for Iraq in Washington. State Department to Iraqi officials, offering to resume normal relations if Iraq agreed to provide compensation for damage to the U. Remembering the collapse of the short-lived coalition government inal-Bakr quickly ordered Naif who was not a Ba'athist arrested and exiled on July 30, cementing the Ba'ath Party's control over Iraq until the U.

Foster of the NSC predicting immediately after the coup that "the new group Nixon Doctrine The Richard Nixon administration was confronted with an early foreign policy crisis when Iraq publicly executed 9 Iraqi Jews at the end of January Nixon's Secretary of State, William P. Rogerscondemned the executions as "repugnant to the conscience of the world," while U.

The Nixon administration would ultimately revise this policy by focusing on building up Iran, then ruled by Nixon's old friend Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi hereinafter referred to as "the Shah"as the dominant regional power. At the beginning of March, he arranged for Iran's Kurdish allies to attack IPC installations around Kirkuk and Mosul, causing Iraq millions of dollars in damage; in April, he unilaterally abrogated the treaty; and in Januaryhe sponsored a failed coup attempt against the Iraqi government.

In late Decemberal-Bakr sent his deputy, Saddam Husseinto negotiate directly with Barzani and his close aide Dr. The Shah was outraged when he learned of these negotiations, and sponsored a coup against the Iraqi government, which was scheduled for the night of January 20—21, However, Iraq's security forces had "complete recordings of most of the meetings and interviews that took place," foiling the plot, expelling the Iranian ambassador to Iraq, and executing "at least 33 conspirators" by January Edmund Ghareeb claimed that the CIA reached an agreement to help the Kurds overthrow the Iraqi government in Augustalthough there is little evidence to support this claim, and the CIA officer in charge of operations in Iraq and Syria in "denied any U.

In a May 31 meeting with the Shah, Nixon vowed that the U. Barzani had resumed his alliance with Iran and Israel after a December assassination attempt on his son Idriswhich he held the Ba'ath Party responsible for. There is, however, no official record that this occurred, with the only record that Nixon approved the operation being an August 1 memo from Kissinger to 40 Committee principals. Interests Section in Baghdad shortly prior to Nixon's decision to support the Kurds; the Interests Section officially opened on October 1, This is not a happy situation nor a happy government for the US to try to do business with.

Moreover, Soviet advisers contributed to a change in Iraq's tactics that decisively altered the trajectory of the war, allowing the Iraqi army to finally achieve steady gains against the Kurds where it had failed in the past. Saddam had agreed to a concession on the border of the Shatt al-Arab waterway in return for an end to "all subversive infiltration from either side.

We have great admiration for the courage and dignity with which those people have confronted many trials, and our prayers are with them. Gibson, "The Pike Report ignored inconvenient truths; misattributed quotes; falsely accused the United States of not providing the Kurds with any humanitarian assistance; and, finally, claimed that Kissinger had not responded to Barzani's tragic plea, when in fact he had This was not the 'textbook case of betrayal and skulduggery' that the Pike Report had led many people to believe.

Kissinger cared for the Kurds only to the extent that they could be used in the pursuit of US interests, and he would surely have abandoned them sooner or later. The Ba'ath Party viewed the efforts by the United States to achieve "step-by-step" interim agreements between Israel and the Arab countries and the diplomatic process that led to the Camp David Accords as calculated attempts to perpetuate Arab disunity.

Consequently, Iraq took a leading role in organizing Arab opposition to the diplomatic initiatives of the United States. After Egypt signed a peace treaty with Israel inIraq succeeded in getting members of the League of Arab States Arab League to vote unanimously for Egypt's expulsion from the organization. A review of thousands of declassified government documents and interviews with former U. Under the Ronald Reagan and George H.

Bush administrations, the U. A report of the U. The chairman of the Senate committee, Don Riegle, said: